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Modern Chinese History Studies【Font:Small Big

No.6 (2014) Abstract

Author:       Update Time:2015年06月02日

2014年第6期目录

 

The Transformation of “Tao” in Modern China                    Luo Zhitian ()

The establishment of modern “Western Learning” in the hearts of Chinese scholars caused a periodization of traditional Chinese conceptions of “Tao [the Way of Heaven].” It moved from believing that “if the Heaven does not change, Tao will not change” – i.e. “Tao comes from one way,” – to gradually recognizing that “Tao comes from two ways,” then progressing and expanding to take Western Learning as a basis for “Tao unites to one way.” In these three stages, such views shrunk from an initially broad orientation, applying to the whole world (all of humanity), to a narrow component of the differences between Chinese Learning and Western Learning that seemed out of date. Later, Tao arose again to become a universal pattern of the “world,” but the renewed concept had completely different connotations. This fundamental change in direction is a special product of a special time in modern history, one that deserves careful investigation.

 

Aoyagi Atsutsune: Yuan Shikai’s Unnoticed High-Level Spy          Shang Xiaoming ()

    Aoyagi Atsutsune’s secret letters to the secretary of the Presidential Palace Zeng Yijin, now held in the History Department of Beijing University, reveal a surprising secret: Waseda University Professor Aoyagi Atsutsune, who was for a time assistant to Yuan Shikai’s advisor Ariga Nagao, was actually a valuable spy that Yuan brought over in 1913-1914. His first task was to destroy links between the revolutionary party and Japanese financial circles. After a large number of revolutionary party members went into exile in Japan because of the failure of the “Second Revolution,” his main activities changed to tracking these party members, countering their anti-Yuan activities, and collecting various types of intelligence – including about relations between Japanese society and the revolutionary party and about party members’ attitudes towards Yuan. He also managed to produce various types of propaganda beneficial to Yuan. Yuan Shikai valued much of the information that Aoyagi Atsutsune collected. Aoyagi Atsutsune’s activities demonstrate that Yuan clearly understood the whereabouts of the party members in exile, and that he paid much attention to changing his negative image in Japan. These letters also show that, after the failure of the “Second Revolution,” the internal division of the revolutionary party intensified and struggles for power became quite serious.

 

 

Chiang Kai-shek and the Political Science Clique                   Jin Yilin ()

   The Political Science Clique was an important force on which Chiang Kai-shek relied during his rule, but opinions about the structure of its membership vary. Most of our observations of the Clique come from the statements of its political opponents. Therefore, if we want to explore the contours of its organization, we often need to outline connections among the individuals, factions, and cliques within the Guomindang. The Political Science Clique began when various factions within the Guomindang opposed Yang Yongtai and started calling him and a number of his friends “the Political Science Clique.” If Yang Yongtai in this period indeed took some measures to attack those who disagreed with him, or slightly accorded with the faction’s pronouncements, in the later period nobody could take on this role. The new Cabinet of the central government, formed 10 months before the death of Yang Yongtai, coincided with the so-called maturation period of the Political Science Clique. At this time, the faction’s central character was Huang Fu, and most of the other members were professionals in educational and financial circles who had studied in Europe and America. They had some skills in governance, but they had few connections with Yang Yongtai. Because these former scholars were nonpartisan, administrative officials in high positions, they fit the description of members of the Political Science Clique, so many actually regarded them as the Clique. Since these people shared similar political goals, they were willing to engage with each other using their identity as members of the Political Science Clique. The interactions of these two processes formed the Political Science Clique. The Clique not only satisfied Chiang Kai-shek’s need to consolidate political power, it also changed the power structure of the Guomindang’s “one-party dictatorship.”

 

  

A Preliminary Study of Chiang Kai-shek’s State of Mind Before and After the K.C. Wu and Sun 

    Li-Jen Cases                                                   Fen Lin ()

    Just before the Guomindang retreated to Taiwan, in order to please the United States, Chiang Kai-shek put K. C. Wu and Sun Li-Jen in important positions, but he never fully trusted them. From 1953 to 1955, though American-Taiwanese relations were more stable in form, certain contradictions between Chiang and the US were secretly fermenting. After Taiwan had established preliminary political and economic foundations, Chiang began to worry less about the US aid and became less patient with Wu and Sun. Their loss of power and influence indicates that the authoritarian system had strengthened and reflects increasing contradictions between the US and Chiang. It also represents Chiang’s decision to probe the bottom line of the US. The relationship between Taiwan and the United States was not a case of one-sided need; the United States could not give up Taiwan. In this game, Chiang Kai-shek was destined to be the winner. However, these two cases were ultimately very important and, in this process, Chiang walked an arduous path.

 

 “Representing the Whole Country:” Controversy over a Mandarin Standard in the First Half of       

  the 20th Century                                     Wang Dongjie ()

The establishment of a Mandarin standard aroused extensive controversy in the first half of the 20th century. The essence of the debate was how to create a unified culture that could not only gain the general approval of the Chinese people, but also meet the equal appeals of various groups. The focus of the debate was on deciding what kind of language could “represent the whole country,” and who had the right to establish this qualification. The controversy implicated varied conflicts between mentalities in different regions and classes, and many different political groups wanted to impose their different ideals of the “nation” on the national language. In fact these groups’ specific plans were not very different, but the slight distinctions were endowed with extremely important political meanings. The positions of the various factions were therefore incompatible.

 

An Analysis of the Opinion Polls about “The Ten Greatest Pillars of New China” Published by  

    the Beijing News Supplement in 1926                      Xiang Xuan ()

 

Opium Smuggling and Anti-Smuggling in the Pearl River Delta, 1858-1911   Ma Guang ()

 

 “The New Intellectuals” and the Military Cadres of the Chinese Communist Party during the

    War of Resistance against Japan                               Xie Min ()

 

Corrections to Zhang Yinhuan’s Diary                           Zhang Songzhi ()

 



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