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Robert Hart and the Chinese Legation in the UK during the late Qing Era

Author:   Zhang Zhiyong    Update Time:2015年06月09日

Robert Hart and the Chinese Legation in the UK during the late Qing Era

 

It was difficult for China to accept the concept of an international convention allowing a government to set up an embassy in the other countries of the modern West. Robert Hart, Inspector General of China’s Customs, had, since he began his close relationship with Zongli Yamen in 1861, emphasized the importance of an ambassador continuously resident in countries which had signed treaties with China. He tried to persuade Zongli Yamen to put this into practice whenever he had a chance, and his efforts laid the foundation for the embassy which China set up inUK. Hart not only asked James Duncan Campbell, Chinese Customs Service resident commissioner in London, to rent houses for this purpose, but also ordered the staff of the Chinese Customs to take part in the activities of the Ambassador after the Qing government decided to send an ambassador to the UK. Therefore, Hart had a profound impact on setting up the Chinese Embassy in the UK and on its operation in this early period. In view of no specific works on this subject published, I will explore the subject using Hart’s diaries, and letters and telegrams between Hart and Campbell.

 

1. Lobbying to Send Ministers Abroad

 

Hart said in“Note on Chinese Matters” published in 1869:

 

Ever since my first arrival in Peking, in 1861, I have been urging the Yamen to move in the direction of what the West understands by the word Progress, and on scarcely any point have I spoken more strongly or more frequently than on the necessity for the establishment of a resident mission at the Court of every Treaty Power.[①]

 

In order to help Zongli Yamen learn more about the operation of legations, Hart translated sections of Element of International Law by Henry Wheaton relating to the Rights of Legation. [②] In his diary, Hart often mentioned his lobbying to send ambassador. For example, on July 29th, 1863, he wrote:

 

Told WanSeang(Wên Hsiang) that for the management of foreign intercourse, they wd never get on satisfactorily until they sent Minister to Europe. A Minister in China has not merely a question to settle: he has his own political capital, & personal promotion, to work out of it: whereas had they a Minister in Europe, he wd be removed from China, & the European Ministers wd settle the question on merits more connected with itself.[③]

 

On July 24th, 1865, he wrote: “At the Yamun(Yamên) today from 2@6: most of the time, alone with Wanseang(Wên Hsiang). I at once pressed him with two points, an ambassador, and the Woosung railway.”[④] Hart finished writing “A Bystander’s View” on October 1865, and presented it to Zongli Yamen on October 17th.[⑤] In “A Bystander’s View” Hart thought : “It is quite beneficial for China to send ambassadors abroad. China should do the reasonable things that the foreign ministers in Beijing ask for. However it is difficult for China not to do the unreasonable things that they ask for without ambassadors abroad. ”[⑥] Zongli Yamen asked Hart to make a few changes in his note, and was about to send it to the Governors General and Governors on October 28th. [⑦]Zongli Yamen wrote a memorial asking the Governors General and Governors to discuss Hart’s“A Bystander’s View,” and accordingly the Qing Government ordered the Governors General and Governors to read it and report their views confidentially.[⑧]

Hart’s lobbying the ministers of Zongli Yamen began to take effect. They began to realize the importance of the action. Hart wrote in his diary on July 30, 1865: “He(Wen Xiang) says, ‘I wish I were Kin-chae[Minister], and your Kin-chae myself for a month.’ So say I, too.”[⑨] In 1866 Hart would go back to England for leave. Consequently, he took the opportunity to suggest that Zongli Yamen send someone to travel to England. [⑩] After discussion, Zongli Yamen decided to send Bin Chun etc., to accompany Hart to England. [11] On April 20, 1866 Zongli Yamen memorialized the Throne for the purpose of sending Bin. to England with Hart:

 

Since exchanging the ratification of the treaties, the foreigners came to China, and became familiar with all the situations of the provinces. However, China knows nothing about the situation of foreign countries, which makes it lack of mutual understanding to deal with the foreign affairs. For a long time, we have planned to memorialize sending the officials to the foreign countries to explore their merits and faults, which will help us understand their situation to some extent and make plans accordingly. However, we thought that it would cost too much, and it was very difficult to resolve the rite issue. Therefore, we did not memorialize for a very long period.

 

It happened that Hart would go back home on leave, and suggested sending one or two students from the College of Foreign Languages (Tong Wenguan) to follow him to England for a visit. Zongli Yamen held:

 

    Some of the students, whom we had mentioned in the memorial to allow Class 8 or 9 officials to study abroad, know foreign languages and words to some extent. If they were ordered to travel to England, it would increase their knowledge, which would benefit their study. On the other hand, they are officials of no importance. It is different from sending ministers abroad, and they will go there with the Inspector General, who could take care of them. Therefore, there is little disadvantage in doing so.

 

However, Zongli Yamen thought the College of Foreign Languages students were too young. So they memorialized the throne to add Bin Chun, the old writer of I.G., and his son Guang Ying. They would go to England with Tong Wen Guan students Feng Yi, De Ming, and Yan Hui, who would be ordered to write down all the landforms such as mountain and rivers, and the local customs and practices in England, which would be brought back home. The memorial was granted through an Imperial Edict. [12] Althoug Bin Chun etc. traveled to Europe without any diplomatic duties, Hart regarded it as a first step toward China’s sending ministers abroad, which demonstrated to the official class that the West could be safely visited, and that the jouney was neither very fatiguing nor very dangerous. [13]

That Bin Chun and his entourage traveled to Europe with Hart realized part of Hart’s aims: 1. to get the Chinese government. to send officials to Europe; 2. to get the European governments to receive & kindly treat such officials; 3. to cause Europeans to be pleased with & take more interest in the Chinese; 4. to cause the Chinese officials to carry away with them pleasant memories of foreign lands. On the other hand he needed to work harder to induce China to appoint Embassies abroad. [14] Therefore, after he went back to China at the end of 1866, Hart went on lobbying the Qing government on the importance of sending ministers abroad nearly every time when he went to Zongli Yamen. [15] On October 11, 1867, Tan Tingxiang, the minister of Zongli Yamen, told Hart: “I understand all the advice you have given, & we see it is necessary to act as you have said; and the fact is, we are discussing the matter sincerely & shall do something.” [16] At that time, Anson Burlingame, the American minister in China, would retire back home. When he went to Zongli Yamen on November 12, Wen Xiang joked with him, saying: why should not he be their representative abroad?[17] On November 15 Burlingame talked the thing over with Hart. Hart said: “Yes, by all means.” And then Hart went to Zongli Yamen, and saw Wen Xiang, Tan Tingxiang, and Dong Xun. Hart told them that it was the best thing they could do: “for 1. his own means place him above suspicion, 2. the Chinese can trust his good will, & 3. his position heretofore will make him acceptable.” Dong said he was 12 parts willing. [18]

At first, the idea of the ministers of Zongli Yamen was that Burlingame should be invited to go alone, or accompanied only by John McLeavy Brown, the interpreter of the British Legation in China. The ministers of Zongli Yamen did not then appear to think that funds would have to be provided. Hart suggested that a Chinese Mission ought not to go without Chinese officials, and that Emile de Champs, the Commissioner of Customs, should be associated with Brown, as Secretary of the Legation, and he arranged for the funds to support the party, fixing the rates of pay. [19] On November 18 the ministers of Zongli Yamen formally asked Burlingame to represent China abroad, and Burlingame consented. Brown was to be the first secretary, and De Champs would be the 2nd secretary of the mission. [20] On November 21, 1867 Prince Gong memorialized the throne to send Burlingame to visit the treaty signatory powers as China’s extraordinary envoy and minister plenipotentiary, and Brown and de Champs would accompany him,which the Edict agreed to. [21] On November 26 Prince Gong and his associates at Zongli Yamen memorialized the Throne to send two Chinese officials, Zhi Gang and Sun Jiagu, and the College of Foreign Languages (Tong Wen Guan) students De Shan and Fengyi to accompany Burlingame, and that all the expenditures should be drawn from Hart, as specified by the Edict. [22]

The Burlingame mission[23] was a step beyond the Bin Chun tour group. It was a real diplomatic mission. Burlingame was appointed as China’s extraordinary envoy and minister plenipotentiary and the mission was given a clear diplomatic duty: “the Chinese officials appointed by the Edict will go to the treaty countries with the honorable minister. If there is beneficial, lossless, and allowable business, the honorable minister and the Chinese officials appointed by the Edict should consult Zongli Yamen to deal with it.” [24] However, the Burlingame mission was not exactly what Hart strove for, namely an official Chinese embassy established abroad.

 

2.Supporting the Plan for a Sino-British Alliance and the Advice on Sending a Minister to the UK

After the Burlingame Mission, although it did not send a minister abroad at once, yet the Qing Government had realized its necessity. On October 12, 1867 Zongli Yamen asked the Governors-General, and Governors to provide their views on the requirements the British representatives might ask for in the Sino-British treaty revision negotiations. Concerning the problem of sending a minister abroad, Zongli Yamen maintained:

 

The countries of the Western Ocean send ministers to each other after they sign a treaty. They communicate with each other. All countries follow this. However, there was no such action taken by China. Several times their ministers came to ask us to memorialize for sending ministers abroad. The Yamen retorted that the Western countries should send their ministers here because they came to China for commerce and on mission, while China should not send ministers abroad because we had no business to do there. However, for more than ten years, they knew very well our situation, while we knew nothing about them. What does the military strategist’s “know both sides” mean? We just did not think about this. And when a foreign minister was stubborn, willful, and unreasonable, we only could try to persuade him with words, and could not denounce him to his government, which was a large disadvantage. There are two difficult points aimed against China sending ministers abroad: one is that most of the officials do not want to go because the Western countries are too far from China, and the necessary  travel on land and water, lodging and daily life will cost too much. And since ministers should be sent to many countries, it is not easy to prepare the funds for them. The other is that the officials don’t know the foreign languages, and they still need to depend on an interpreter, which is not convenient. And it is difficult to choose a proper, excellent, and qualified official as the minister. If one, who is not qualified is sent abroad in a hurry, he may be bullied, which will cause us to lose face abroad, and delay our business… It is very important to send ministers abroad in the future, and this can not be regarded as a business that can be done slowly. We hope we can discuss this together to decide how to proceed with this. [25]

 

In the 20 memorials received by the Qing Government from Governors-General and Governors, only two were against sending ministers abroad, while the others all maintained that China should send diplomats abroad, and some even thought it was an urgent matter to do so. [26] However, the British representative did not require the Qing Government to send a minister to the UK during the Sino-British negotiation on treaty revision. Thus the Qing Government missed the first probable chance to send Chinese ministers abroad. Henceforth, the Sino-French negotiation on the Tianjin Religious Case, the Sino-Japanese negotiation on the Treaty and Taiwan, and the Sino-Spanish negotiation on coolie labor further showed that it was necessary and urgent for China to send ministers abroad. Therefore, when China and Japan negotiated the treaty of 1870, Li Hongzhang and Zeng Guofan memorialized the Throne to send officials to be stationed in Japan “to manage our merchants, watch Japan’s activity, to retain contact with and restrain Japan, and to prevent future trouble.” On December 10, 1874 Li Hongzhang again memorialized the Imperial Court to send ministers to Japan, and to the Western countries. [27]

In the spring of 1875, Ding Richang, the former Jiangsu Governor, came to Beijing for his new appointment. On May 3, he called on Hart, putting forward the plan for a Sino-British alliance. He thought that China and UK ought to be firm friends: “1. to oppose Russia, 2. because England will gain if China is quiet & strong, & 3. because China has nothing to fear from England.” [28] On May 29 Hart returned Ding’s call. Ding told Hart that he had been arguing this view with Wen Xiang, the minister in chief of Zongli Yamen. His view was to make firm friends with England not especially for friendship’s sake, but for the common interest of both countries and against Russia’s designs on either. But Wen was suspicious & did not quite see the full advantage of it. Ding thought a high official ought to be sent to England, and he said he would willingly go. And he asked Hart if he would go with him, but Hart said he could not get away. [29]  However, after Shen Baozhen was appointed  Governor-General of Liangjiang, and Ding Richang’s oppotunity in this direction was extinguished, Hart began to wonder if Ding would go to Europe. and this led Hart to began thinking that he might manage to accompany Ding, and he fancied that they two, if properly supported by Peking, could do some good work for both China and England. [30]

Therefore, on June 1, Hart went to Zongli Yamen to talk about the problem of a Sino-British alliance with Zongli Yamen ministers Wen Xiang and Shen Guifen. Hart pointed out that:

 

You have twenty ports on your seaboard & rivers- you have Russia on your northern frontier- France on the southern border - & England approaching you on the West. Do what you like, you can’t isolate yourselves-you can’t stop intercourse: this being the case, make the best of it- get yourselves to work to securing the advantages, & ward off the disadvantages of contact. What do other countries do? They make alliances – they make friends. So far, you have merely consented to trading regulations. Go further, & make a friend.[31]

 

Then Hart recounted to Wen the major countries China was in contact with:

 

    Germany is far off, & although so powerful with its army, has no fleet: it is too far off to make friends with, & it does not matter to it whether you are annihilated or not. America is a great friend of yours – or you showed her so: but America has a small army & her principle is – “to mind her own business & not interfere in other people’s affairs,” said Wen. Next there’s France- “O don’t bother yourself talking about France,” said Wen, “France is out of the question- not to be depended on or troubled: we’ll have nothing to do with her.” Then comes Russia, I went on: Russia’s policy for the last two hundred years- “has been a fixed one” said Wen: “ She moves south & her want is territory-more territory-always territory”. I went on: you fear her, & we are on the watch too. Were she to get China, India wd fall to her too; were she to get India, you’ll not hold out. She has always professed friendship for you, but it has been the friendship that harmonized you & kept you weak & kept you from progress, & kept you waiting till her time to take you could come. Now of those I have mentioned, none appear to me to be the kind you ought to make a friend of.[32]

 

And at last Hart came to England:

 

    I don’t say England loves you , or you England, but past events must have proved to you England does not want to take any of your territory & must have shown you England wished to help your govt. to keep up; but, over & above this, your interests are the same- it is for your interest that England & not Russia shd have India, & it is England’s interest that Russia shd not get a footing in China. Well: why not make a friend of England? [33]

 

Hart suggested sending a high official to England as the minister to enforce the plan of a Sino-British alliance:

 

Send a first class man to England as minister: let him say to England, we feel it is our interest to be with you & to have you with us & we want to begin to be friends with you- to act with you, side with you, & be guided with & by you. Wishing for this, we wish to begin by getting you to remove a cause of ill will & prove to China that you are the real friend of China. We wish to arrange for the cessation of the opium trade. On this & on our part we’ll be your friends: we’ll see what we can do in return, and meantime we’ll [have] secured you in the part by growing strong & holding our own & we want you to help us to do this. Let our lads go to your usual schools-our young men to your military colleges- give us some of your naval men to serve in our fleet & some of your military officers to serve in our army- let us send 10,000 men to India to serve with your troops, bringing home 3000 & sending a new lot of 3000 each year. Let us do this, & we’ll support you & you us in the East, & the doors will gradually open for other improvements & good offices. [34]

 

Wen and Shen listened attentively to all this and seemed impressed by it. However, Wen doubted the plan’s feasibility, and he asked Hart: “The help [could] all be on our side-how [could] we spend a tael or more on a man to help you?” Hart replied: “we cd. want no active help for England-that for China to become so strong that we cd. depend on her ability to take care of herself cd. free us from anxiety & be a real assistance-& that doubtless, in the interchange of good offices, something agreeable to both countries wd. be hit upon. ” [35]

    Then they talked about who could be sent to England. Wen Xiang told Hart that not only were Hart’s and Ding Richang’s views of the same mind, but his own opinion agreed with them, as did Li Hongzhang’s view and the views of several others besides. Wen said they should have some long talks, and consult with Hart about all the necessary steps. It seemed that he rally had accepted Hart’s program and was inclined to carry it out.  Hart thought the talk between he and Wen had outlined an understanding between England and China to be brought about by Ding and himself as China’s representatives to England. [36]

On June 11 Hart called on Ding Richang. Ding told Hart he had seen Wen Xiang and Shen Guifen the day before, and had preached the ‘make friends with England: do it at once’ sermon, and had urged them to send a minister.. But then Ding informed Hart that he had also seen Wen that day, but that Wen had not referred to the matter; this led Hart to suppose that they were going to put it off. [37]

On July 30 Hart went to Zongli Yamen. Wen Xiang referred to their usual talk: that England and China ought to be friends, which was more apparent every day. But Wen thought, how it could be? Troubles were continually springing up-there was the Yunnan case at that time: cordial relations would be impossible for many years after it was settled. On sending a minister to England, Wen worried that the better the powers treated China, the more difficult wd. be China’s position, for China would have to suppress her inability to do the things that China was asked to do-the things China ought to do! [38] Thus the plan for a Sino-British alliance and sending a minister to England was laid aside for the time being.

 

3. Hart Helps China with the Establishment of an Ambassador in England

 

Although the plan for a Sino-British alliance advocated by Ding Richang and Hart seemed unfeasible, it further showed the necessity of sending ministers abroad. Therefore, the Qing Government began to take action on sending diplomats abroad. On June 17, 1875 Zongli Yame memorialized the Throne “to order the princes and high officials to recommend officials who are familiar with the foreign countries and frontier defenses as candidates for  ministerial posts abroad,.” and it attached the curriculum vitae of nine officials including Chen Lanbin, etc., who might be sent abroad. On the same day the Emperor wrote an Edict agreeing with the memorial. [39] On June 27, 1875 Hart said in his telegram to James Duncan Campbell, the Commissioner of London Office of the China’s Customs: “China preparing to establish Legation and Consulate abroad, ninety Chinese officials already selected.”[40] Campbell congratulated Hart on this in his letter on July 2, 1875: “I congratulate upon the success which seems likely at last to crown your efforts, in respect to Chinese Legations abroad etc. ” [41] When the Qing Government was being prepared for sending the ministers abroad, Thomas F. Wade, the British minister who was negotiating with Zongli Yamen on the Margary Case, required China to send a high official to England to apologize,[42] which in turn accelerated the establishment of the Chinese ambassador in England.

On August 13 Hart cabled Campbell that China’s mission would go to England very soon, and required him to rent two houses, and informed him of the rental conditions.[43] On August 26 Shen Guifen asked Hart to draw up a memo of the possible expenses of the Legation[44] On August 28 Zongli Yamen memorialized the Throne to send a minister to England. [45]   On August 30 Hart was told that Guo Songtao was to go to England as Ambassador & Xu Qianshen was to accompany him. Hart held that “Kuo’s appointment is not bad: [to] convert a Nieh-Tai into a minister shows some respect for the post, but, what work they will have to understand his language! As for Hsu [Xu] -his manner is against him: he wd. suit America, but he’ll not do for England.” [46]

On September 4 Hart wrote out a memo for Shen about the expense of the Legation in England, and the members of Legations to be established. He proposed one minister each for England, France, U.S., Russia, Germany, Peru & Japan, -one to do duty in Austria, Spain & Italy,- and one to do duty in Holland, Belgium, Denmark & Sweden. Hart thought that this was fair as the last seven powers each made do with, just one minister on duty for China, Japan, and Siam. Each Legation might be likely to cost anywhere from 50 to 60000 taels a year: so that the nine proposed would certainly be provided for if a grant of 500000 taels annually was obtained. [47]Hart went to the Yamen with his Legation Memo for Shen on September 7. [48]The Qing Government issued the Edict to appoint Guo Songtao with Xu Qianshen as the Qinchai minister to England. [49]

On October 7 Hart received a letter from Zongli Yamen in Tianjin as he came from Shanghai to Beijing, telling him that Xu Qianshen would not go to England, and instead Liu Xihong would go to England with Guo Songtao. [50]  On Novermber 17 Hart informed Campbell by letter that the Minister to England Guo Songtao had started from Beijing the previous week, and he [Hart] would probably get away from Shanghai via the mail steamer on the 8th December and arrived in London towards the end of January. Hart asked Campbell to find a temporary lodging for Guo Songtao first, and then help him find a house for the permanent Legation in town. [51]  On December 13 Hart again cabled Campbell about the condition of the lodging rented for Guo Songtao. [52]  On January 1, 1877 Hart cabled Campbell to speed up the reception work. [53] On January 4 Campbell cabled Hart that he had rented a house for Guo Songtao. [54] On January 21 Guo Songtao arrived in Southampton. Campbell met him and took him to his lodging in London according to Hart’s instructions. [55] Thus the Qing Government established a legation in England with Hart’s help.

 

4. The Plan to Make a Member of the Customs Staff Act as the Interpreter for China’s Legation in England

 

While the Qing Government just appointed Guo Songtao as the minister to England, Hart tried to arrange for the Customs staff to act as Guo’s interpreter, but he failed. [56] On October 9, 1875, Li Hongzhang called on Hart, telling him that he had  recalled Halliday Macartney for the purpose of attaching him to Guo’s English Legation.[57] On November 15 Hart went to Zongli Yamen and advised them to be careful before appointing any interpreters to accompany Kuo to England. [58] On Novermber 30 Wade called on Hart. He thought well of Macartney, but thought M. L. Brown, who worked in China’s customs, would be the best man to accompany the mission to England, bu at the same time he also thought the customs ought not to send anyone. [59] In the end, Marcartney, instead of a member of the Customs staff, accompanied Guo Songtao to England. Hart told Campbell in a confidential letter of November 17, 1876: “Kuo at first wanted Customs people as interpreters but someone put him against it, and he now goes taking with him only Chinese and a man named Macartney for whom, removed from the Arsenal at Nanking, Li wanted to find a billet.” [60]

However, Hart did not give up his plan to have the Customs staff act as Guo’s interpreters. On November 17, 1876 he informed Campbell of specific steps to realize his plan in a confidential letter:

The probability is that Kuo (Guo) will find that he wants foreign interpreters, and some of the Chinese-speaking people in England (Holt, Douglas, Sinclair, Payne, Lay etc. etc. etc.) may try to get hold of him. We must be beforehand and prevent 1. his getting into bad hand, and 2. the growth of a class of foreign employees connected with Legations drawn from other than Customs’ sources. I accordingly authorize you at once to summon Twinem and either Schjoth or Carroll to London (Schjoth preferably, if you can find him): send Twinem on to meet Kuo in Paris and attend on him till he gets into his lodgings in London, and keep Twinem yourself at hand till Kuo settles down into his London pace. In this way you’ll prevent accident or necessity forcing Kuo into getting hold of, or being got hold of by outsiders; but as Kuo is posssibly afraid that we may interfere with his affairs, don’t force Twinem on him too visibly: just keep Twinem at hand, let him see Kuo occasionally and do various things for him in a not-too-obtrusive manner. I want you to do this, not merely to keep off adveturous outsiders, but to make Kuo free of the F.O. and Wade, etc. You need not send for Schjoth or Carroll unless you think you’ll want them. After you have acted on this, you can apply to me and I’ll authorize some acting pay for whoever is called on by you for this duty. [61]

 

Hart wrote in his journal of the same day:“Wrote to Campbell about Kuo, & also told him to get Twinem to act as his interpreter so as to keep Kuo from catching, or being caught by, outsiders.”[62]

Because Macarthy, instead of the Customs staff, became the interpreter of Guo Songtao, Hart did not like him at all. He wrote to Campbell on December 27, 1876: “As regards Macartney, he is rather the courier than the interpreter of the Legation. I don’t know him at all. Do not help to magnify his position.”[63] Hart warned Campbell in his letter of January 18, 1877:

Beware of Macartney. Watch him. Don’t give him any “face.” He’s opposed to us- I am told on all sides. I generally prefer to use rather than ignore people: in this case I think the other course will be the wisest. Don’t give him the run of your office, and don’t give him your confidence or my news. [64]

 

Hart asked Campbell in his letter of January 25, 1877 to “try and make Twinem necessary to Kuo: but, work quietly, and don’t show that such is your object.” [65] At the same time, Hart also asked Campbell to avoid Waler Caine Hillier, the Chinese Secretary in the British Legation in China, etc., “don’t let them make themselves necessary to him (Guo)”. [66]

According to Hart’s plan, Campbell asked Twinem to London, discussed their plan of action so as to give effect to Hart’s wishes. After discussing it with Twinem, Campbell decided that he himself would go down to Southampton to meet Guo Songtao, and Twinem would stay in London to see that everything was in readiness for their reception in London. Campbell thought such an arrangement would remove perhaps any suspicion of their purpose. [67] On January 21, 1877 after Campbell accompanied Guo Songtao to London, Twinem talked with Guo because they had known to each other before. Guo wrote in his journal: “Twinem, the former Tianjin consul, I knew him before.” [68] In order to make Twinem necessary for Guo, Campbell rented a room in a hotel for Marcartney, which would locate Marcartney far from Guo, but Guo inisisted upon Marcartney’s remaining in the house with him. [69] Thus Campbell could find only occasional other chances for Twinem to approach Guo. On February 14 Campbell sent Twinem to ask Guo to inspect the gunboats Campbell bought for China. [70] On February 17, Guo Songtao went to Portsmouth to inspect the gunboats, and Campbell went there with Twinem. [71]

At the beginning, Campbell and Twinem were unable to carry out Hart’s plan very successfully. Campbell told Hart in a letter of March 1, 1877: “As regards Macartney he has evidently acquired the position of English Sec. which he had assumed, and Sir T. Wade has introduced as such. Kuo cannot live without him.” [72] Since Guo did not use Twinem, Campbell began to take alternative actions. On March 19 when De Ming, an interpreter of China’s Legation, called upon him, Campbell told him that Hart had desired him to entrust any confidential matters to Twinem, if he required his assistance, and Guo could therefore place the same trust and confidence in Twinem as in himself, and whether he was absent or not, Twinem’s service would always be at Guo’s disposal. [73] Afterwards De Ming translated the Zhenjiang hulk Memo. into Chinese with the assistance of Twinem. [74] Campbell’s proactive machinations began to take effect.

At this time, Guo Songtao began to be dissatisfied with Macartney, which made Hart’s plan feasible. Macartney was not familiar with interpreting and diplomatic affairs because he mainly assisted Li Hongzhang in cracking the Taiping Rebellion, and had managed Nanking Arsenal. He made successive mistakes in his interpreting after he followed Guo to England, which caused the minister to begin to be dissatisfied with him. On May 6 Guo Songtao called on Campbell, and told him that Macartney had nothing to do with political matters, and that he had written a despatch to the Foreign Office in which he stated exactly the contrary to what Guo meant; and in replying to a deputation upon the opium question, he had not properly interpreted Guo’s words. Campbell took the opportunity to advise Guo to employ Twinem upon any confidential work and assured him that the Customs staff had the interests of the Chinese at heart. Very soon Guo asked Twinem to attend at the Legation for the purpose of translating extracts from newspapers etc. When Twinem went to the Chinese Legation on May 16, the staff of the Legation arranged with him to commence work on Friday (May 18) and to attend at the Legation every other day! [75]

Guo Songtao became more and more dissatisfied with Macartney. On May 15 the French Minister in England invited Guo to have a talk. However, Guo had to brake his appointment because of Macartney’s mistake. Guo wrote in his diary on the same day: “Macartney is not familiar with all the things, and likes to hold on to his own views, and do things on his own authority. He is also a bane in my good fortune, which makes me upset.” [76] On June 28 Guo told Twinem that Macartney was slow, obstinate, and incapable. Guo complained that instead of his interpreting Kuo’s expression à la lettre, Macartney stated his own opinions. Guo now wished he had a Customs’ man in his place, but he did not know how to get rid of Macartney and was afraid of offending Li Hongzhang. [77] On July 1 Campbell cabled this information to Hart. [78]

On the other hand, Twinem began to do the“confidential work” for Guo and gained his trust. On June 15, 1877 Campbell wrote to Hart: “A letter had been received from the F.O.[Foreign Office], and Kuo wanted Twinem to translate it.” [79] And on July 12 Campbell cabled Hart: “Twinem attends legation daily translating all official correspondence.” [80] Campbell even wrote: “Twinem is kept hard at work at the Legation and cannot attend to current office work.” [81] On July 19 Campbell cabled Hart: “Twinem becoming necessary for Kuo.” [82]

At the same time Hart succeeded in making H. O. Brown, a commissioner of customs, the interpreter for Liu Xihong, the first Chinese minister to Germany. Hart knew from Zongli Yamen that Liu would be appointed as the minister to Germany, so he cabled Campbell on May 21, 1877: “Call H. O. Brown to London. Introduce him to Liu. He can be useful to Liu.”[83] Because Hart did not tell Campbell the reason for him to introduce Brown to Liu, Liu did not understand the situation when Brown was introduced to him.[84] Hart telegraphed Campbell his purpose only on June 4: “Assistant Minister Liu appointed Minister to Germany…Brown knows Germany speaks German and can therefore be useful.”[85] At length, Liu decided to retain Brown. Campbell triumphantly telegraphed Hart on July 19: “Liu will keep Brown”.[86]

Seeing that Twinem had got the trust of Guo and that Brown would serve in the Chinese Legation of Germany, Hart was very excited. He wrote in his diary July 24: “Campbell telegraphs Kuo wd. like to get rid of Macartney but does not see how, & wd. now prefer a Customs’ man: also that Twinem is becoming necessary to Kuo: also that Liu will take Brown with him to Germany, & will report doing so to Yamen. So, after all, we are getting a hold on the Legations.” [87] On August 30, Hart wrote to Campbell: “As for Macartney: Kuo ought simply to discharge him and report his action- however that’s his affair: meantime we can wait, and we will do well to let Kuo know more of our people. Please, therefore, introduce any of our Chinese-speaking men, especially Jamieson and A. E. Hippisley: indeed it would be well for Jamieson to take Twinem’s place occasionally, so that Kuo may not get into the way of considering any one man indispensable.” [88] Hart telegraphed the same instructions to Campbell in the next day. [89] On October 16, Guo called on Campbell. When they talked about Macartney, Guo said that he was sorry that he had not taken Hart’s advice, but he could not do otherwise than accept Macartney after Li Hongzhang had recommended him. Guo told Campbell that he intended memorializing the Emperor to be removed; and should his resignation not be accepted he would ask Hart to send him someone who knew Chinese well (and English) to replace Macartney. [90]

Although Twinem earned Guo’s trust, Hart did not want him to become the sole interpreter for Guo. He wrote to Campbell on October 25:

 

I am glad to hear that Kuo is gradually turning towards our people: but I am hesitating whether to let Twinem stay on another year or order him out in April at the end of his leave; I think it will be best for him to come out and Jamieson to take his place for the next year. Remember if I order him out, out he must come: he must not let Kuo detain him, nor must he delay pending further reference. [91]

 

On November 2 Hart wrote to Campbell: “If Kuo asks for a Customs’ man, he can have one, (but he must leave it to the I. G. to say who it is to be).” [92] As for Twinem, Hart emphasized his coming back to China in his letter to Campbell on November 30: “Twinem’s leave will be up too, and, if you do not hear from me that he is to stay, he is to come out by the first February mail.” [93] At last Twinem left the Chinese Legation and went back to China in February,1878, and A.E. Hippisley succeeded him. Campbell telegraphed Hart on February 15: “Twinem leaves Marseilles twenty-fourth instant (H)ippisley attends Legation.” [94]

In the spring of 1878, Hart went back home for illness leave. He went to Paris on April 24, and attended the World’s Exhibition held there. [95] At that time, Guo Songtao had decided to use the Customs’ man to act as his interpreter, but Hart began to hesitate about this.. Hart wrote in his diary of May 18:

 

Kuo is in a fix now: his last despatch from Sunbury was translated by three men & by each differently, & Macartney does not know with Chinese; so Kuo wd gladly have one of my men. But how supply him? Since December, I have lost three or four good Chinese speakers-Dick, MacPherson, Specht & Taintor.[96]

 

 Hart at last gave up his plan to have Customs staff acting as the sole interpreters for the Chinese Legation. He wrote in his diary on May 20: “Call from Jamieson: told him he can’t go to London. Also for Hippisley-who said Yao (the staff of the Chinese Legation) had been talking to him about Kuo’s feelings. He said he supposed I’d like to get the appointments for the Customs & keep off outsiders like Giquel &c: I said I was not specially anxious.” [97] That Hart did not allow both Jamieson and Hippisley, whom he had asked Campbell to put to work in the Chinese Legation in England, to return to London showed that Hart had decided to give up his plan.

    Why did Hart suddenly give up his plan to make Customs Service interpreters act as the translators for the Chinese Legation when his plan was being successfully realized? The key issue that made Hart give up his plan was the resignation of Brown, whom Hart had succeeded in making the interpreter of the Chinese Legation in Germany. Hart was anxious to make the Customs’ man act as the interpreter of the Chinese Legation in order to grasp information in the Legation in time to influence the actions of the Chinese minister. The best result for Hart was that the Customs’ man could act as the interpreter of the Chinese Legation, and at the same time he should also serve in China’s Customs Service and be subordinate to Hart. Only in this way could the Customs’ interpreter working in the Chinese Legation report information in the Legation to Hart and act according to Hart’s orders. This aspect was clear when Twinem worked in the Chinese Legation. On June 1, 1877 Campbell wrote to Hart: “I have urged Twinem to urge Kuo, through Li, to master the whole case thoroughly before doing anything, as Kuo seems to be going about too precipitate.”[98] On June 8 Campbell wrote to Hart: “Twinem has just come from the Chinese Legation, but he brings no news. He will write to you fully next week giving you a resume of his proceedings.” [99] However, the resignation of Brown made him realize that his scenario was ultimately unworkable. If the Customs’ man resigned and became the full-time interpreter of the Chinese Legation, he would be out of the control of Hart and could not be expected to report information from the Legation to Hart, nor act according to Hart’s order. Therefore, Hart saw clearly that even if he succeeded in making a Customs’ man the interpreter of the important Chinese Legation in England instead of Macartney, he probably would not only fail to realize any other purpose,, but also might lose a valuable assistant. He wrote in his diary entry of May 19: “Thus H. O. Brown’s retirement, Taintor’s death & Hammond’s dismissal (&I’ll have to dismiss him) will give three appointments to fill up.”[100]

That he lost interest in appointing a Customs’ employee to act as interpreter to the Chinese Legation in Russia after Brown’s resignation also might show the profound impact of Brown’s resignation on him. Chong How was appointed to be the Chinese minister in Russia on June 22, 1878. [101] On July 25, R. E. Bredon, the acting Inspector General, telegraphed Hart:“Li Chung T’ang will probably ask a Customs man to accompany Chung How to Petersburg. Li has been told Englishman undesirable. I think otherwise. Will you suggest one?” [102] On July 30, Hart telegraphed back that the best man to accompany Chong Hou to Russia was Professor Hagen, the German teacher in Tong Wen Guan, [103] and warned Bredon not to send himself or Ivar Munthe Daae, a Commissioner of Customs, to accompany Chong Hou to Russia on September 12. [104] On September 13, Hart telegraphed Bredon: “Do not make any changes in the Inspectorate Staff. If Hagen will not suit, try Piry (the French teacher in Tong Wen Guan) or Schjoth (the Assistant of the Customs).” When Twinem first gained the trust of Guo Songtao, and Brown was kept by Liu Xihong, Hart was very excited, dreaming that the Customs Service might gain influence within the Chinese Legations. However, Brown’s resignation broke his dream. He not only gave up his plan to make the Customs’ translators act as interpreter for the Chinese Legation in England, but also lost his interest in appointing interpreters for Chinese Legations in other countries.

 

Since he first went to Beijing, Hart had continually suggested all kinds of reforms to the Qing Government. He hoped that China might reform in the manner of the Western countries. One of the reforms he often suggested was to send ministers abroad. In fact, sending ministers abroad could help make the Qing Government familiar with the international situation, accelerate the pace of domestic reforms, and bring the Chinese diplomatic system more in line with the international diplomatic system, which would be helpful in the solution of some Sino-Foreign difficulties. Under Hart’s persuasion, the ministers of Zongli Yamen gradually accepted this view. Thus Bin Chun’s Travel to Europe and the Burlingame Mission came into being. After the Qing Government decided to send Guo Songtao to the UK as the Chinese minister, Hart asked Campbell to find lodging for Guo, and ordered the Customs staff to serve in the Chinese Legation. Therefore, Hart contributed to the establishment and early operation of the Chinese Legation in England to some extent. However, Hart had his own purpose in ordering the Customs staff to serve in the Chinese Legation. He hoped to impact Sino-British diplomacy in this way. In the end, he gave up his plan to have a Customs’ translator act as the interpreter for the Chinese Legation in England because he realized that the Customs’ employee would be out of his control once he became the Ligation’s full-time interpreter.

 

 



[①] Robert Hart, “Note on Chinese Matters”, Shanghai Recorder, Nov. 12th, 1869,(Supplement).

[②] “July 25, 1863”, “July 26, 1863”, K. F. Bruner etc. ed. Entering China’s Service: Robert Hart’s Journals, 1854-1863, Cambridge(Massachusetts) and London: Harvard University Press, 1986. pp298-299.。

[③] “July 29th, 1863”, K. F. Bruner etc. ed. Entering China’s Service: Robert Hart’s Journals, 1854-1863. p300.

[④] “July 24th, 1865”, R. J. Smith etc. ed. Robert Hart and China’ Early Modernization: His Journals, 1863-1866, Cambridge(Massachusetts) and London: Harvard University Press, 1990. p304.

[⑤] “October 17th, , 1865”, R. J. Smith etc. ed. Robert Hart and China’ Early Modernization: His Journals, 1863-1866. p326.

[⑥] “ ‘Bystander’s View’ Presented by Inspector General”, Chouban Yiwu Shimo(Tongzhi Chao) (Diplomatic Materials in the Period of Tongzhi, Vol 40, Beijing: Gugong Museum, 1930. pp20a-20b.

[⑦] “October 28th, 1865”, R. J. Smith etc. ed. Robert Hart and China’ Early Modernization: His Journals, 1863-1866. pp329-330.

[⑧] Chouban Yiwu Shimo(Tongzhi Chao) (Diplomatic Materials in the Period of Tongzhi, Vol 40. pp10-13.

[⑨]“July 30, 1865”, R. J. Smith etc. ed. Robert Hart and China’ Early Modernization: His Journals, 1863-1866. p305.

[⑩] Chouban Yiwu Shimo(Tongzhi Chao) (Diplomatic Materials in the Period of Tongzhi), Vol.39, p.1a.

[11] “January 28, 1866”, “February 4, 1866”, “February 20, 1866”R. J. Smith etc. ed. Robert Hart and China’ Early Modernization: His Journals, 1863-1866. pp342,344,345.

[12] Chouban Yiwu Shimo(Tongzhi Chao) (Diplomatic Materials in the Period of Tongzhi), Vol.39, pp.1a-2b.

[13] Robert Hart, “Note on Chinese Matters”, Shanghai Recorder, Nov. 12th, 1869,(Supplement). For the details of the travel of Bin Chun etc., please refer to Bin Chun: Chencha Biji(Note on Raft), Changsha: Hunan Renmin Chubanshe, 1981.

[14]“July 15, 1866”, R. J. Smith etc. ed. Robert Hart and China’ Early Modernization: His Journals, 1863-1866. pp392-393.

[15] “September 5,1867”, “October 11, 1867”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 10, Kept in Queen’s University, Belfast。

[16] “October 11, 1867”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 10, kept in Queen’s University, Belfast.

[17] “November 12, 1867”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 10.

[18]  “November 15, 1867”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 10.

[19] Robert Hart, “Note on Chinese Matters”, Shanghai Recorder, Nov. 12th, 1869,(Supplement).

[20] “November 18, 1867”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 10.

[21] Chouban Yiwu Shimo(Tongzhi Chao) (Diplomatic Materials in the Period of Tongzhi), Vol.51, pp.26b-29a. Hart wrote in the diary of the same day: “Today is to be remembered in Chinese annals: the 6 year, 10th month & 26th day, of Tung Chi: for the Edict appointing Mr. Burlingame to be Chinese Minister at the Courts of all the Treaty Powers.”( “November 21, 1867”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 10.

[22] Chouban Yiwu Shimo(Tongzhi Chao) (Diplomatic Materials in the Period of Tongzhi), Vol.51, pp.1a-7a.

[23] Fort the details of the mission, please refer to F. W. Williams: Anson Burlingame and the First Chinese Mission to Froeign Powers, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1912.

[24] Chouban Yiwu Shimo(Tongzhi Chao) (Diplomatic Materials in the Period of Tongzhi), Vol.52, p.4a.

[25] Chouban Yiwu Shimo(Tongzhi Chao) (Diplomatic Materials in the Period of Tongzhi), Vol. 50, pp.22a-22b.

[26] See Chouban Yiwu Shimo(Tongzhi Chao) (Diplomatic Materials in the Period of Tongzhi), Vol. 51-56.

[27] “Attachment on Buying Ironclad Ships and Petitioning to Send the Ministers Abroad”, Li Hongzhang Quanji (Li Hongzhang's Collected Works), Memorials, Vol. 24, Haikou: Hainan Press, p.37.

[28]  “May 3, 1875”,  Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[29] “May 29, 1875”,  Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[30] “May 31, 1875”,  Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[31] “June 1, 1875”, Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[32] “June 1, 1875”, Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[33] “June 1, 1875”, Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[34]  “June 1, 1875”,  Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[35]  “June 1, 1875”, Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[36]  “June 1, 1875”, Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[37]  “June 11, 1875”,  Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[38]  “July 30, 1875”,  Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[39]  “Zongli Yamen’s Attachment Memorializing to send th e minister to England, a Edict Attached ”, Wang Yanwei, and Wangliang ed., Qingji Waijiao Shiliao(Diplomatic Material in the Qing Dynasty), 1, Vol. 3, Beijing: Book List and Materials Press, 1987. p.14.

[40] “Hart to Campbell, June 27, 1875”, Chen Xiafei and Han Rongfang ed., Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1992.p1029.

[41] “Campbell t to Har, July 2, 1875”, Chen Xiafei and Han Rongfang ed., Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1990. p140.

[42] “Memorandum for the Information of his Excellency the Grand Secretary Li, August 11, 1875”, Correspondence respecting the Attack on the Indian Expedition to Western China, and the Murder of Mr. Margary, Shannon: Irish University Press1971.p52.

[43] “Hart to Campbell, August 13, 1875”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III.p1032.

[44]  “August 26, 1875”,  Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[45] “Zongli Yamen’s Attachment Memorializing to send th e minister to England, a Edict Attached ”, Wang Yanwei, and Wangliang ed., Qingji Waijiao Shiliao(Diplomatic Material in the Qing Dynasty), 1, Vol. 3, Beijing: Book List and Materials Press, 1987. p.14-15.

[46] “August 30、31, 1875”, Hart’s Journal, Vol. 21.

[47] “September 4, 1875”, Hart’s Journal s, Vol. 21.

[48]  “September 8, 1875”, Hart’s Journal s, Vol. 21.

[49] “Zongli Yamen’s Attachment Memorializing to send the minister to England, a Edict Attached ”, Wang Yanwei, and Wangliang ed., Qingji Waijiao Shiliao(Diplomatic Material in the Qing Dynasty), 1, Vol. 3, pp.14-15.

[50] “October 7, 1876”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 23.

[51] “Hart to Campbell, November 17, 1876”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, pp236-237.

[52] “Hart to Campbell, December 13, 1876”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1050.

[53] “Hart to Campbell, January 1, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1051.

[54] “Hart to Campbell, January 4, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1051.

[55] “Hart to Campbell, January 23, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1053.

[56] Demertrius C. Boulger, The Life of Sir Halliday Macartney K. C. M. G, London : John Lane the Bodley Head, 1908.p259-260.

[57] “October 9, 1875”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 21.

[58] “November 11, 1875”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 22.

[59] “November 30, 1875”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 22.

[60] “Hart to Campbell, November 17, 1876”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p237.

[61] “Hart to Campbell, November 17, 1876”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p237.

[62] “November 17, 1876”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 23.

[63] “Hart to Campbell, December 27, 1876”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p244.

[64] “Hart to Campbell, January 18, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, pp248-249.

[65] “Hart to Campbell, January 25, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p250.

[66] “Hart to Campbell, February 8, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p255.

[67] “Campbell to Hart, January 19, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p249.

[68] “The 12th Moon the 8th Day, the 2nd Year of Guangxu”, Guo Songtao Riji(Guo Songtao’s Journal), Vol. 3, p139. “Campbell to Hart, February 2, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p252.

[69]  “Campbell to Hart, February 2, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p251.

[70] “The 1st Moon the 2nd Day, the 3rd Year of Guangxu”, Guo Songtao Riji(Guo Songtao’s Journal), Vol. 3, p143.

[71] “The 1st Moon the 5nd Day, the 3rd Year of Guangxu”, Guo Songtao Riji(Guo Songtao’s Journal), Vol. 3, p145; “Campbell to Hart, February 22, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p258.

[72]  “Campbell to Hart, March 1, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p260.

[73] “Campbell to Hart, March 23, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p265.

[74] “Campbell to Hart, April 6, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p267.

[75] “Campbell to Hart, May 18, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p273.

[76] “The 4th  Moon the 3rd Day, the 3rd Year of Guangxu”, Guo Songtao Riji(Guo Songtao’s Journal), Vol. 3, p207.

[77]“Campbell to Hart, June 29, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p284. Guo Songtao wrote in his diary of the same day: “Twinem called. Talked about Macartney, who is quite unreasonable.” “The 5th Moon the 18th Day, the 3rd Year of Guangxu”, Guo Songtao Riji(Guo Songtao’s Journal), Vol. 3, p237.

[78] “Campbell to Hart, July 1, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1058.

[79] “Campbell to Hart, June 15, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p281.

[80] “Campbell to Hart, July 12, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1059.

[81] “Campbell to Hart, July 20, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p289.

[82] “Campbell to Hart, July 19, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1059.

[83] “Hart to Campbell, May 21, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1057. Hart wrote in his diary of the same day: “Liu appointed to Germany, so telegraphed to Campbell to introduce H. O. Brown to him: & wrote to not let him fall into Klein’s(F. Kleinwacheter, a German, being a Commissioner of Customs at that time) hands.” (“May 21, 1877”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 24.)

[84] “Campbell to Hart, May 25, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p274;“Campbell to Hart, May 24, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1057.

[85] “Hart to Campbell, June 4, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1058.

[86] “Campbell to Hart, July 19, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1059.

[87] “July 24, 1877”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 24.

[88] “Hart to Campbell, August 30, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p296.

[89] “Hart to Campbell, August 31, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1060.

[90] “Campbell to Hart, October 19, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p312.

[91] “Hart to Campbell, October 25, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, pp313-314.

[92] “Hart to Campbell, November 2, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p316.

[93] “Hart to Campbell, November 30, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p325.

[94] “Campbell to Hart, February 15, 1878”,Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1069.

[95] “April 24, 1878”, “May 1, 1878”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 25, kept in Queen’s University, Belfast.

[96] “May 18, 1878”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 25.

[97] “May 20, 1878”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 25.

[98] “Campbell to Hart, June 1, 1877”,Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p275.

[99] “Campbell to Hart, June 8, 1877”,Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, p278. For more seeing “Campbell to Hart, June 22, 1877”, “Campbell to Hart, July 13, 1877”, “Campbell to Hart, July 20, 1877”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol I, pp283,287,288.

[100] “May 19, 1878”, Hart’s Journal, Vol 25.

[101] “Chong Hou Was Appointed to be the Chinese Minister in Russia and the Plenipotentiary by the Edict”,  Qingji Waijiao Shiliao(Diplomatic Material in the Qing Dynasty), 1, Vol. 13, p.28.

[102]  “Hart to Campbell, July 25/26, 1878”,Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1072.

[103]  “Campbell to Hart, July 30, 1878”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1072.

[104] “Campbell to Hart, September 12, 1878”, Archives of China’s Imperial Maritime Customs, Vol III, p1074.

 



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